The State of Things

As conglomerate corporations peruse the planet on the hunt for big and little news organizations to add to their cache, and as the fate of journalistic integrity looks more and more like water running down the drain, can the alternative, grassroots news publications hold their own?

The alternative press, throughout the history of the United States, often represents the underrepresented and reports the issues that go unreported in the mainstream media, particularly for low-income racially diverse groups that do not fall into the majority stronghold. Because of the role the mainstream media does not play in the exposure of issues affecting the working poor and non-white population, the alternative press plays a vital role in the function of democracy, whereby information is used to help the citizen engage in the political discourse that affects his or her life.

Some of the first black newspapers provided informational access to freedom for southern slaves escaping to the north, and later in World War II the black press drew attention to the contradiction of fighting for democracy while supporting the undemocratic systems of segregation and inequality. The alternative press often serves an important function, even though from time to time it does not resonate beyond the community it represents. Yet, if even at a local level, alternative publications can spark civic engagement, then they are in part fulfilling their democratic obligation.

The problem, or the devil, as they say, may be in the details. As forms of discrimination become more complex and more bureaucratic, the object of attack becomes obscure. In last days of slavery the object was clear, as in the days of segregation, but today discrimination takes on different forms and cloaks itself in unstained fabric. The mainstream media does cover the issues that affect low-income minority communities, but at a surface-level. To illustrate this point, I will explore mainstream media coverage and attempt to penetrate the truth beneath the surface. I will also explore how the alternative press deals with these issues.

How does the alternative press hold up in a battle with an enemy it cannot see?




Tuesday, November 20, 2007

The Arguments and The Numbers

Mychal Massie, chairman of the National Leadership Network of Black Conservatives-Project 21, a conservative black think tank located in Washington, D.C. scolds media outlets for attributing the studies findings to asset accumulation down generational lines, rather he argues that the Pew study is "undeniable proof" that "race-based preferences" and affirmative action have caused generational damage in black neighborhoods. While I hold no contention with the existance of generational damage, I think Massie's a bit mislead in his attempt to explain it.

Media sing 'po-po black floks' tune


"Since shortly after the signing of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964-65, and the advent of the Great Society Initiatives, blacks have been systematically stripped of their dignity and converted from self-sufficient, pride-filled, patriotic Americans to wards of a liberal nanny government who are motivated by rage, resentment and animus.

The flames of anger are fanned, vis-à-vis a proscribed polarization based on the color of one's skin, by those who risk the greater loss, if and when blacks come to their senses

Following are examples of a Pew Research Center study and how same is being used to keep dependent on liberals for their dinner at Barmecide's table. The lead paragraph of an article in the liberal Washington Post read, "Nearly half of [blacks] born to middle-income parents in the late 1960s plunged into poverty or near poverty as adults, according to a new study – a perplexing finding that analysts say highlights the fragile nature of middle-class life for many [blacks]."

It continued, "[In] a society where the privileges of class and income perpetuate themselves from generation to generation, black Americans have had more difficulty than whites in transmitting those benefits to their children" ("Middle-class dream eludes African-American families," Nov. 13, 2007).

Space constraints prevent me from an expansive parsing of this flagrant falsity, but suffice it to say the paralyzing effects of the "Great Society" began in the late 1960s. It ushered in the period of the non-consequential abandonment of sobriety (read: morality), as the government stood at the ready with checkbook in hand to reward same. Clean, pridefully maintained public housing neighborhoods became cesspools; mothers were compensated (read: rewarded) by the child, but only if the father was excluded. This period gave rise to pandemics of drugs, crime, social alienation and failing schools. I see nowhere in the article where these factors were considered.


Massies argument should not be taken with great warrant, because it fails to cite how "great society" initiatives led to "pandemics of drugs crime social alienation and failing schools. Rather, here are some statistics that might help us understand the context of the Pew Research Study.

The belief that affirmative action practices have already settled the score and that white youth are made to feel guilty for the injustices of their ancestors, ignores the reality of affirmative action as little more than a principle, with little evidence of enforcement. “According to one highly-place source, the AFL-CIO leadership supported this bill because they believed that a commitment to integration in principle might ward off measures that could bring it about in practice.” (Orfield and Shkinaze, The Closing Door: Conservative Policy and Black Opportunity, pg 58,59) So the principal was enacted, and when the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission began accepting charges, they were faced with an immediate backlog of 1,000 charges, or complaints, according to their Web site. In the 1980s the EEOC underwent a philosophy revision, without increase in staff or revenues, from a focus on systemic discrimination to thorough individual cases. Studies show "that affirmative action on
employment weakened in the early 1980s, as a result of lax enforcement of
affirmative action regulations in the early years of the Reagan administration." (Holzer, Harry & Neumark, David. "Assessing Affirmative Action." Journal of Economic Literature, 38. 3:2000 pp.483-568)
The AFL-CIO's American Federationalist wrote on affirmative action in August, 1986:

"Despite the fact that the Civil Rights Act is more than 20 years old, many barriers to equal access to jobs, promotions and other employment opportunities still remain. effective affirmative action plans are as necessary now as those plans were in 1964 to ensure that minorities and women take their rightful places in our economic system and to achieve equality and harmony among the races.

The Reagan Administration's record on affirmative action is deplorable. The Administration is leading the reactionary effort in the courts to end affirmative action and is taking steps to weaken Executive Order 11246. This order forbids government contractors from discriminating in employment and requires them to engage in affirmative action. The Administration seeks to use the civil rights laws to thwart the full political and economic participation of women and racial minorities in our society rather than as a means of furthering that goal.

The AFL-CIO has often stated its unwavering support for affirmative action and condemns the Administration's efforts to end such programs. While Title VII protects bona fide, nondiscriminatory seniority systems that provide important ptotection to all workers regardless of race or sex, the Civil Rights Act also permits workers in free collective bargaining to negotiate affirmative action plans, including plans that modify such seniority systems.

The 1984 Supreme Court decision in the Stotts case endorsed the position long held by the AFL-CIO that bona fide nondiscriminatory seniority systems are legal under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as amended. These systems provide valuable and needed protection for all workers regardless of race or sex."


To highlight the effect of the nondiscriminatory seniority system under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which undermined affirmative action, studies found that policies that supportes seniority-based layoffs hurt black workers more than white workers in the 1973-74 recession. "While white males averaged 63 percent of initial employment, they accounted for 78 percent of the employment decline. Since females and minorities typically have lower seniority, they are usually found to suffer disproportionately more during a downturn." (Leondar, Jonathan. "The Impact of Affirmative Action Regulation and Equal Employment Law on Black Employmen." The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 4. 4:1990, pp. 47-63)

Another study cited above assessed over 20 years of research on affirmative action and concluded the effects are ambiguous. (Holzer, Harry & Neumark, David. "Assessing Affirmative Action." Journal of Economic Literature, 38. 3:2000 pp. 483-568)


It concludes:
"Significant labor market discrimination against minorities and women persists, as do other forms of disadvantage for minorities in the attainment of human capital (which some refer to as "societal discrimination"). Affirmative action programs redistribute employment, university admissions, and government business from white males to minorities and women, though the extent of the redistribution may not be large."
Futhermore,
"All in all, the evidence suggests to us that it may be possible to generate affirmative
action programs that entail relatively little sacrifice of efficiency. Most importantly, there is at this juncture very little compelling evidence of deleterious efficiency effects of affirmative action. This does not imply that such costs do not exist, nor that the studies we review have captured the overall welfare effects of affirmative action. It does imply, though, that the empirical
case against affirmative action on the grounds of efficiency is weak at best.

...Affirmative action offers significant redistribution toward women and minorities, with relatively small efficiency consequences. A major outstanding question that could tip the scales more in the direction of efficiency gains is the extent to which this redistribution increases
efficiency by countering discrimination in the labor market. We have argued that there is evidence of continuing discrimination against women and minorities. In this case it is possible that affirmative action generates additional efficiency gains, although theory does not necessarily imply this."
So, then we see that affirmative action does have some positive impact on the distribribution of employee opportunity and has ambiguous effects on company efficiency and "reverse discrimination." So if to some extent affirmative action does help diversify our workforce, and it's negative effects are a wash, then I find it hard to believe that these programs are the cause of problems facing black communities, and even harder to believe that these programs disadvantage other non-minority members of society, so rather we should take our focus away from affirmative action and look at how our schools are funded, who gets a better education, how our schools are divided, how mortgage loans are distributed, the dynamics of property tax increases and urban development.

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